The party

The new name in British politics. The oldest unfinished business.

You might not have heard of us, but the Georgist Party of Britain stands in a tradition older than any party now in Parliament. Georgism is the natural continuation of the liberal movements of the 19th Century, and one that could have ushered in a new age of progress had it not been derailed by WW1 and a determined rentier elite. Help us pick up where Western Civilisation took a wrong turn back in 1914, and build a future for us and our children we can be proud of.

Our statement

In an era where Britain's prosperity is under sustained attack, from a broken tax system that punishes work and rewards monopoly, and from a political class that treats this country as an economic zone rather than the home of a people, we present a bolder vision.

Read our statement in full

Our strategy

Georgism's time has always been right, but now more than ever. Regardless of which party carries it there.

Let us be plain about what we want. We want Georgists in power, and we want them there soon: a government that charges the value of land, flattens income tax and takes the rest of the tax code off the backs of the people who work. We will not pretend it has to be this party's MPs who do it. The idea is moving faster than the party, and if a land tax arrives under a different name, we will still want to have been the ones who refused to let it be ignored.

The strategy for getting there has not changed since 2012. A small party cannot fight everywhere, but it does not have to. Britain elects its government from a few hundred marginal seats, most decided by a few thousand votes, and that arithmetic does not care how small you are. Stand there, say one thing clearly, and you put a price on ignoring the land question that the parties who could govern have to pay or explain. It is also why we do not simply work inside a big party, where careers depend on the line it already holds and radicals get shouted down.

What has changed in the last five years is the system above us. In 2024 Labour and the Conservatives took 57% of the vote between them, their lowest on record, and less again in the May 2026 locals. Reform took four million votes and now leads most polls, the Greens took nearly two million and have polled in double digits all year, and Restore went from a pressure group formed in 2025 to owning every council seat in Great Yarmouth. None of them has a land answer. And none of them spent a decade grinding upwards either: each grabbed momentum and rode it, because the wind turned and they happened to be standing ready. Our job is to be ready in the same way, with candidates, funds and one clear message in place before the moment arrives, so that when it does we take the ground rather than read about it.

The grip is loosening

Labour and the Conservatives took 57% of the vote between them in 2024, their lowest combined share on record, and less again in the May 2026 locals.

The wall is still standing

First past the post still hands the Big Two majority governments won on about a third of the vote. Reform's 14% bought five seats in 2024, the Greens' 6.7% bought four.

The marginal is the lever

A few hundred seats decide every parliament, most of them on a few thousand votes. That arithmetic does not care how small you are.

The wind can turn fast

Reform, the Greens and Restore each took off almost overnight. Momentum here is grabbed rather than accumulated, and it goes to whoever is ready when the wind shifts.

What this asks of you

Join, or give

A general election candidate must lodge a £500 deposit, returned if they take 5% of the vote. A few dozen members at the standard fee covers one.

Stand where you live

Local elections carry no deposit and the paperwork is simple. That is where small parties do best, and the person on the ballot paper is a neighbour.

Vote Georgist somewhere

You do not have to stop being a Labour, Conservative, Reform or Green voter. One ballot in a marginal tells both parties that could govern what ignoring the land question now costs.

Below is where the idea we work for comes from.

01

Today

The Georgist Party of Britain

The party now campaigns under its present name, which says plainly what it is: the political home of Georgism in Britain, and the continuation of the party Mark Wadsworth helped found. Registered with the Electoral Commission, open to anyone who supports its objectives.

The idea has not changed since 2012, or since 1879: Britain is a home, not an asset class. Its land, its seas and its natural wealth are the inheritance of the British nation, and collecting their value for public revenue is how the nation funds itself without taxing the work of its own people.

02

2023

Shared Ground

Mark Wadsworth died in March 2023, after a short battle with pancreatic cancer. He was the keystone of practically every Georgist and land tax group in the country, the man who could navigate the worst bureaucracy and keep the whole movement registered, organised and arguing. This party carries his work forward, and continues in his memory.

The party had by then renamed itself Shared Ground, after the Electoral Commission refused its first choice, Common Ground, and stood under that name. Mark never led it: he was a founder and, for years, one of its officers, and the person who made sure the paperwork was filed, the candidates stood and the argument kept going.

03

2012-2019

The Young People's Party

The party was founded in April 2012 by a group of friends and campaigners, among them Mark Wadsworth, economist, blogger and one of the most tireless advocates for land value taxation Britain has produced, who went on to serve as an officer of the party for many years, after years of arguing about policy online and in the pub and concluding that nobody else would ever make the case. It registered with the Electoral Commission as the Young People's Party: the name made the argument in a sentence, because the people locked out of the land of their own country are, above all, the young.

Under that name the party stood candidates at the 2015 and 2017 general elections, in Folkestone & Hythe, Epping Forest, the Cities of London & Westminster and the City of Durham, carrying a platform that will be familiar to every reader of this site: a tax on the value of land, a flat 20% rate on income, and the abolition of VAT, National Insurance, council tax and stamp duty.

04

1930s, 2010s

The wilderness years

The land question faded from party politics through the middle of the twentieth century not because Georgists were answered, but because Britain capped the problem by other means: rents controlled in one form or another since 1918; council homes built at scale and let for well below what the market would have charged; mortgages written on rules rather than appetite, at about twice the borrower's income; 250,000 to 300,000 homes a year going to people who lived in them; and a tax system that charged the ground as it found it, from Schedule A to Domestic Rates, so progressive that the best house in a county might pay a hundred times the worst.

None of that was Georgism, but all of it did what Georgism does, it capped the share of other people's effort that a piece of ground could claim. Owner-occupation rose from 30% to 60% of households, and private renting, once half the country, fell to a tenth.

Then almost the whole package was removed in the 1980s and 1990s, mostly without a debate: rent control and tenants' security ended in 1988, council stock was sold and rarely replaced, buy-to-let was put on the same lending terms as a home to live in, the loan-to-income norm slid from about two to nearly three and a half, and the 1953 reversal of the post-war betterment charge had already handed the planning premium back to landowners. What replaced the old ceiling was not a market but a transfer.

Lift a cap and the land question returns with undiminished force, which is what has happened. Council tax and business rates, taxes on buildings as much as land, entrenched exactly the incentives Georgists warned against, while the land duty Britain abandoned became Taiwan's and Singapore's road to prosperity. Georgists worked on meanwhile inside other parties, but none made the land question its reason to exist.

05

1880s, 1930s

The inheritance

British Georgism is older than the Labour Party. The English and Scottish Land Restoration Leagues of the 1880s, the United Committee for the Taxation of Land Values from 1907 and the land campaigners around Lloyd George's People's Budget all carried the same proposition this party carries now: collect the value of the nation's land for the nation, and stop taxing the wealth people create.

Twice, in 1909 and again in 1931, Britain legislated for a tax on land value, and twice the valuation was abandoned before it could bite. The movement never disappeared, but it lost its political vehicle. The Henry George Foundation, founded in 1929, kept the idea taught and argued through the decades when no party would carry it.

Join the next chapter

Membership is open to anyone who supports the party's objectives.

That is the whole test. If you want Britain's ground working for the British people, there is a place for you here.

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